—Decoding the Pervasive Stigmatization of Feminism on Weibo since the 2010s

by Wu Shuli

Read the Faculty Introduction.

Ever since the nascence of modern Chinese feminism at the turn of the twentieth century (He-Yin 7), feminists in China have undergone incessant contestation from the public masses. Such a phenomenon seems to have been aggravated along with the advent of the internet in China. As Angela Xiao Wu and Yige Dong discern in their research article “What Is Made-in-China Feminism(s)? Gender Discontent and Class Friction in Post-Socialist China,” phrases like “feminist cancer” (nüquan ai) portraying feminists as pathologically “callous, selfish and money-hungry women” dominate online discussions of feminism (Wu and Dong 472). This pervasive social phenomenon ultimately culminated in the China Communist Youth League’s (CCYL) recent post referring to feminists as “a malignant tumor on the internet” on Sina Weibo (Yan), which gathered over 6 million likes by April 26, 2022. On the surface, this influential party organ’s public stigmatization of Chinese feminists seems to echo Western media’s common discourse: the regime’s prohibition of free speech constructs the dilemma of Chinese feminists (“China Says it Defends Women’s Rights”). Indeed, the state exerts irrefutable power in shaping public opinion on the internet by means of censorship (Roberts 1-17). However, this oversimplistic explanation fails to grasp the foundation upon which the state builds its anti-feminist discourse. In other words, if we merely emphasize the state’s role in the stigmatization of feminism, the online community’s escalating antagonism against Chinese feminism long before the CCYL’s post might elude us. This article thus investigates the underexplored mechanism behind the stigmatization of Chinese feminism in society. Considering the particular severity and pervasiveness of such a phenomenon on the internet (Hong et al. 200-201), I restrict the scope of analysis to social media platforms. An in-depth analysis of existing academic articles and social media posts unveils that the escalating stigmatization of feminism on the internet stems from two aspects: the general public’s failure to grasp the evolving political agenda of Chinese feminism; the underlying tension between Chinese feminists’ appeal and the entrenched social ideology based on class struggle and Confucianism. To fully grasp the mechanism behind the stigmatization of Chinese feminists, we first need to be equipped with an overview of Chinese feminism.

Overview of Chinese Feminism

Chinese feminism has undergone several waves of development and transformation ever since its formation (He-Yin 179-184; Hershatter 219-259; Karl 1-21). At the turn of the twentieth century, the emergence of feminist social reformers and activists such as Qiu Jin, He-Yin Zhen, and Tang Qunying marked the birth of modern Chinese feminism (Hershatter 74-92; Wu and Dong 474; Karl 244). Despite huge internal variances, they successfully integrated their advocacy of addressing issues unique to China (i.e., foot-binding, lack of equal education, and Confucian marriage) into Western liberal feminism’s call for civil rights.¹ However, at that time, feminist thoughts only reached a small portion of women in the elite milieu (Hershatter 77). Socialist feminism gradually claimed dominance among feminists during the socialist construction period after the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) acceded to power (Hershatter 219-251; Wu and Dong 474). Co-opted and controlled by the ruling party, Chinese feminism served as a tool to mobilize women in accordance with state policies. Though some scholars argue that women’s active participation in socialist construction helped elevate their socioeconomic and even political status (Hershatter 219-250), explicit feminist movements in China ground to a halt. Almost thirty years after the Mao era, thanks to the increasing international interaction and burgeoning economic development after the reform and opening up policy, the twenty-first century witnessed the unprecedented expansion of feminism’s scale in China (Wu and Dong 474). As women’s participation in feminism increased², Chinese feminism ultimately evolved into the two distinct strands of contemporary feminism that Angela Xiao Wu and Yige Dong term “entrepreneurial” feminism and “non-cooperative” feminism (479-483), whose context and content will be introduced in the following paragraphs. It is worth noting that various scholars have developed different typologies of feminism in China (e.g., the division between nvxingzhuyi and nvquan zhiyi termed by Marchetti et al.). Here, I adopt Wu and Dong’s because of its strong relevance to the topic of interest, that is, the stigmatization of feminism in China.

“Entrepreneurial” feminism and “non-cooperative” feminism emerged against the unique political climate in China, namely, the intensive control of civil political activities. At the beginning of the 1990s, diverse feminist NGOs and movements flourished under the aegis of the All-China Women’s Federation (ACWF), a government-led organization dedicated to the improvement of women’s economic and legal rights (Howell 192; Mao 247; Wu and Dong 473). Following this halcyon was the sudden shift in the political climate at the end of the 1990s when ACWF faced increasing constraints and the state inflicted draconian legal regulations on NGOs (Mao 247; Yuen 53-56). Similar to its infiltrating control of civil organizations, the Chinese government placed heavy legal constraints on offline demonstrations. Specifically, the Law of the People’s Republic of China on Assemblies, Processions and Demonstrations authorizes local police to crack down on any demonstration that fails to procure formal registration and official consent from the police station. As an illustration, in 2015, five feminists were detained for organizing a demonstration against sexual harassment on public transport (Zeng). In such a political climate, in the past 10 years, Chinese feminism has gradually transformed from an “organization-based” mode of action into a “network-based” one (Mao 247). In other words, nowadays, without a formal mobilization from civil or official organizations, grassroots feminists spontaneously gather together to contest the structural and ideological sexism prevalent in China (Mao 246; Wu and Dong 473). Their main arena of activities also concomitantly shifted to social media platforms, as opposed to the limited offline spaces in China (Mao 248-249). Hence, the political control in China induces current feminists’ grassroots advocacy and reliance on the online sphere.

Despite the identical political condition they confront, two strands of feminism in China diverge in variegated aspects. Though not explicitly mentioned by Wu and Dong, they first differ in their time of emergence. The entrepreneurial strand emerged and reached its peak of popularity at the beginning of the 2010s whereas the non-cooperative strand did not gather its sway until the second half of the 2010s. Nowadays, along with the shift of social trends after the emergence of non-cooperative feminism, the entrepreneurial strand has gradually faded into oblivion while the non-cooperative strand has claimed a dominant position in the Chinese feminist community (Wu and Dong 479-483; Xiao). Behind this difference on the surface, their fundamental divergence lies in their completely opposite advocacy. According to Wu and Dong, the “entrepreneurial” strand of feminism advocates traditional feminine standards (e.g., humility, gentleness, and gracefulness) on the internet and persuades women to profit from romantic relationships with rich men by instrumentally manipulating their sexuality (479). Simultaneously, they urge women to “abandon traditional wifely duties” and put themselves above their husbands (479). This paradox suggests that they seem to conform wholeheartedly to the patriarchal norms, yet, in essence, they exploit the existing social system to serve their own interest by faking their allegiance to it (Wu and Dong 485). However, this so-called defiance fails to substantially elevate women’s social status as autonomous individuals and might even enhance the stereotypes against women in society. Emerging as a counterforce on social media platforms, the “non-cooperative” strand of feminism supports a discourse entirely antithetical to the “entrepreneurial” strand. Notably, they resist the traditional marriage system by advocating women’s economic independence and sexual autonomy (Wu and Dong 481). According to Wu and Dong, noncooperative feminism thus empowers women to navigate a world filled with patriarchal bias, confront the traditional marital system, and concentrate on individual development (481).

Decoding the Stigmatization of Feminists in China

Contrary to Chinese feminists’ well-intended political agenda to elevate women’s social status, the general public seems to view them with a negative disposition (Hong et al. 200-203). To investigate the stigmatization of Chinese feminism on the internet, we need to dissect the meaning of stigmatizing phrases per se. “Chinese country feminism” (zhonghua tianyuan nüquan zhuyi) stands out as the most common-used phrase to impugn feminists on the internet. In China, people generally use the term “Chinese country” (zhonghua tianyuan) to differentiate “local mongrel dogs” from Western “purebred” (Hong et al 201; Wu and Dong 472). Based on this original meaning, we can infer that those using this phrase dismiss feminism in China as a counterfeit that fails to grasp the essence of “true” Western feminism. This term frequently appears when anti-feminists allege that Chinese feminism demands privileges for women and disrupts social harmony by fomenting opposition between genders, as opposed to American feminism which fights for equal rights and responsibility (Wu and Dong 472; Mao 254). Another term “women’s punch” (nüquan) is also frequently adopted by them. “Women’s punch” and “women’s rights” are homophones in Mandarin Chinese. This phrase serves as a caricature of Chinese feminists by depicting them as aggressive psychopaths indiscriminately attacking every man on the internet. Hence, the undertone of these stigmatizing words seems to imply that Chinese feminists’ so-called “demand for privileges” and “aggressiveness” provoke the large-scale stigmatization. They may even convey the implicit message that the attack will gradually subside if Chinese feminists put forward the “orthodox” Western feminism which asks for both equal rights and responsibilities. Yet, a closer analysis of the stigmatization of Chinese feminists unveils the pivotal role of deeper social contentions in this phenomenon which may not automatically disappear if Chinese feminists alter their appeal.

On the surface, the pervasive stigma attached to feminism in China stems from the general public’s failure to grasp the evolving political agenda of Chinese feminism. Since the “non-cooperative” strand has gradually taken over from the “entrepreneurial” strand in the Chinese feminist community, Chinese feminists’ political agenda has evolved from strategic reliance on men to self-empowerment and dismantlement of patriarchy through socio-economic independence. Yet, the majority of the public masses still view the current non-cooperative strand of Chinese feminism based on their previous impression of entrepreneurial feminists. This misinterpretation induces the prevailing perception that Chinese feminists only demand women’s rights and refuse to shoulder social responsibility, thus triggering large-scale backlashes and stigmatization. We can refer back to the stigmatizing phrases used against feminists to corroborate this causal correlation. When using terms such as “Chinese country feminism,” people imply that Chinese feminism’s demands for rights and rejection of social responsibility deviate from “true” feminism which fights for equal rights and responsibility (Wu and Dong 472). Here, “demands for equal rights” can refer to both “entrepreneurial” and  “non-cooperative” feminists who strive for the elevation of women’s status. However, the term “rejection of social responsibility” fails to match “non-cooperative” feminists’ consistent exhortation that housewives should elevate their social status by joining the workforce and generating income for their families. As we shift our focus, we can discover that “rejection of responsibility” alludes to “entrepreneurial” feminists who encourage women to profit from marriage without making material or other forms of contribution to the family (Wu and Dong 472). Hence, we can interpret the present large-scale stigmatization of current feminists in China as the general public’s lagged response to the previously dominant strand of feminism.

Behind the masses’ misinterpretation of feminists’ evolving political agenda lies the fundamental tension between the feminist appeal and the ingrained class ideology. Fifty years after the Mao era, despite the incessant socioeconomic transformation China has undergone, the ideology of class struggle still lingers in Chinese society. In particular, as Hershatter pinpoints in her investigation of feminists’ status in post-1970s China, the Maoist legacy that class conflicts outweigh all other social inequality has hitherto retained its sway in the general public’s mindset (Hershatter 274). Accordingly, the masses tend to disparagingly trivialize gender inequality as a secondary issue to be automatically absolved along with the elimination of hierarchical class structure (Hershatter 274). Against such a cultural context, Chinese feminists significantly deviate from the dominant social value by primarily focusing on gender inequality in China (Marchetti et al 77). On the micro (individual) level, entrepreneurial feminists elevate their social status by marrying affluent men while noncooperative feminists exhort women to independently “earn spots in the class hierarchy” (Wu and Dong 483). Their individualistic aspiration to climb up the social ladder is labeled by the general public as an alliance with the bourgeois and belief in classism. On a macro (social) level, Chinese feminists continuously criticize the government’s nonchalance toward prevailing structural and ideological sexism existing in society (Yan). Those with strong class ideology thus cast Chinese feminists as ignorant and short-sighted women who fail to grasp the “essence” of social conflicts. Feminists’ public denouncement of the state further incurs widespread suspicion that they attempt to divert class antagonism for their self-interest. Such a perception intensifies the general public’s hostility to Chinese feminists. Hence, the common view which portrays feminists in China as shallow-minded people antagonizing national values underlies the stigmatization of feminism.

The conflict between feminist ideology and the Confucian patriarchal social structure embedded in society also exacerbate the large-scale stigmatization of feminists on the internet. The relic of Confucian ideology that “the harmony of the family ensures the harmony of the country” permeates the social fabric in China (Hershatter 267). As proposed by Hershatter, “marriage and childbearing were portrayed as essential components of the harmonious society” (267). The general public considers wives’ submissiveness and unpaid labor indispensable to the stability of family units. Particularly, traditional social norms propel women in traditional marriages to unconditionally sacrifice their careers to rear the children, do chores for free, and prepare meals for husbands without complaint. Non-cooperative feminists vehemently antagonize such ideology along with the traditional marital system by exhorting other women to steer clear of exploitative marriages. This advocacy undermines the traditional normative image of servile Chinese women who would sacrifice their interests and devote themselves to the family. Under these circumstances, the general public tends to view feminists’ voices as detrimental to the social order, especially in Xi’s era when Confucianism restores its prevalence in society (“China Says it Defends Women’s Rights”). Particularly, economically less well-off men on the lowest ends of the marriage market display overwhelming animosity against feminists. Their resentment emanates from their perceptions that feminists’ call for equal education for women thwarts their marriage plan. Those who mistake non-cooperative feminists for entrepreneurial feminists even assert that feminists cajole women into ingratiating themselves with wealthy men while despising less affluent men (Wu and Dong 484). Such a perception prompts their use of words like feminist whore (nüquan biao) as a way of slut-shaming. Hence, the general public considers Chinese feminists’ appeal inimical to the family and social structure, which moreover enhances the practice of stigmatization.

Since 2020, the amplification of nationalism in China has further stoked the stigmatization of feminism on the internet to a whole new level. In his research article “Contested Disaster Nationalism in the Digital Age: Emotional Registers and Geopolitical Imaginaries in COVID-19 Narratives on Chinese Social Media,” Chenchen Zhang demonstrates that “in their report of the West on various social media platforms, state-owned news agencies combine the negative impression of Western culture as external threats with the Western world’s failure to contain the COVID-19 infection rate at the beginning of the outbreak” (237). This discourse successfully kindles Chinese people’s discontent with Western liberal ideology and political system (Zhang 237). Typically considered by the general public as part of Western ideology, feminism in China has undergone rounds of intensified attacks during the pandemic and post-pandemic periods (Jayawardena 2). Some even suspect that Chinese feminists are paid by the U.S. government to wreak havoc in society and topple the Chinese government. For example, shangdizhiying_5zn, the account of an opinion leader with more than two million followers on Weibo, has long accused Chinese feminists of conspiring with Western countries. His allegation has won him a plethora of support from social media users. Hence, Chinese social media users’ escalating hostility against Western liberal ideology, coupled with the dominant misunderstanding that feminism merely belongs to the West, explains why the stigmatization will not automatically disappear if Chinse feminism follows the “orthodox” Western feminism.

In The Scarlett Letter: A Romance, the Puritan society forces Hester Prynne to wear a scarlet letter “A” as a lifelong public humiliation for her violation of social norms. Similarly, nowadays, the online community in China seems to have inflicted an invisible “scarlet letter” on feminists for their confrontation with the deep-rooted gender disparity in society. While many Western media outlets identify the authoritarian state as the main culprit of the current pervasive stigmatization of feminism, a systematic investigation of the phenomenon suggests the pivotal role of tensions between feminism and the mainstream ideology in China. Identification of such issues enhances our understanding of the specific ideological barriers and the sociocultural environment inimical to the development of feminism in China. Does this mean feminism is intrinsically incompatible with Chinese society? Is feminism doomed to fail in China? Instead of a fixed quality innate to society, culture dynamically reflects the multifarious changes occurring in society. Recent years delineate a bleak picture for Chinese feminists where they are almost relegated as the pariah of the online community. Yet, the temporary predicament does not necessarily seal the fate of Chinese feminism. With the resilience it carries on throughout history, feminism would make sure to stay as a defiant, or even subversive, strand of force nettling the dominant patriarch from now and then.

1. Contrary to other feminists, He-Yin Zhen argues for more radical change in gender structure with her anarchist appeal (179-184). ↩︎
2. Indeed, not only women can be feminists. However, at the current stage, the vast majority of feminists in China are women. ↩︎

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