Category Archives: Vol. 8

To Go Digital or Not to Go Digital: Learning from Senior Citizens’ Shanghai Lockdown Experience

Photo “Standing Guard” by Zhang Cheng

by Li Jiasheng

Read the Faculty Introduction.

An old lady cut in line when I was about to pay the medical fee to treat my stomach ache. I glared at her but curbed my fury for the sake of her age. She took some red bills from her wallet after the cashier told her how much she should pay. It took me a few seconds to finally recognize these red bills as cash. I was shocked. Living in Shanghai where digitalization is highly promoted, I am so accustomed to digital payment platforms like Alipay that payments in cash have become eccentric to me. However, senior citizens who are not familiar with online services seem to still need non-digital options in the time of digitalization. This experience with the old lady in March of 2023 reminded me of how my grandfather struggled with digital technology during the “zero-Covid” Shanghai lockdown of 2022. He could not use the WeChat group-buying services and other smartphone mini-programs or apps to buy food or medicine because of his near blindness.1 It was not until a few weeks into the lockdown period that the community workers told him that he could call them to help him get the supplies he needed. He told me afterward that he thought that senior citizens like him were casualties of digitalization and the inability to use digital services gave him a sense of being left out.

What does the need for offline alternatives to smartphone digital services and support for senior citizens in Shanghai during the pandemic, a time when almost everything was online, tell us about non-digital options? In their 2022 study of COVID-19 and smartphone use among urban Chinese seniors in 2020, Anqi Chen et al. note that in 2020 an estimated population of elderly people over 60 reached 260 million while only 110 million of them had access to the Internet at that time creating a large “digital divide” (1). During the pandemic, China developed a health code system with apps and mini-programs that varied from city to city to restrict people’s movement based on their health condition, travel history, and contact with infected patients all around the country (Chen et al. 1). This pushed the country to go almost entirely digital, especially during Shanghai’s 2022 lockdown, which NYU Shanghai professor and global public health expert Brian J. Hall called “the largest known city-wide lockdown in the world”:

The entire population of Shanghai was issued stay-at-home orders, and most of the gates to residential compounds in the city were sealed, restricting mobility. [Because of] the rapid implementation of the lockdown and the length of the lockdown period, the city was not prepared to manage the logistic challenges … residents were unable to leave their homes to purchase food in person, and few food deliveries were available. (Hall et. al 284)

Specifically in Shanghai, there was guidance and instructions for the seniors in advance to help them follow the trend of digitalization, but they still ended up needing assistance from offline options and alternatives (Chen et al. 1)—a powerful reminder that in an age of successive waves of technology optimism, from cryptocurrency to the metaverse and ChatGPT, it is crucial not to rely on everything going digital and to provide offline alternatives and non-digital options, which we can learn from experience of senior citizens who struggled to use digital technology in Shanghai during the pandemic.

The “digital divide” among senior citizens and other age groups had already been noticed before the pandemic based on the promotion and even imposition of digital tools in China. Even before the pandemic, many elderly people seemed “to be separated from society by an invisible wall” due to the significant inequality of access to digital technology between the elderly and younger age groups (Chen et al. 2). When studying digital disconnection among older citizens, Rutong Jiao noticed that China had released several policies related to seniors and the Internet, such as the “Internet + Pension” in the 2010s (2). In other words, China had attached the importance of dealing with obstacles to senior citizens’ use and accessibility of digital services and had taken action to try to bridge the gap, though with mixed results.

Incentives for the elderly to get access to and use digital services directly can be classified in two basic ways: age-appropriate versions and instruction tutorials. Many companies have been developing to offer seniors quality Internet services with enlarged words and a simplified user interface (Han). In addition, the instruction tutorials include family support and community service (Chen et al. 6). Children of the seniors are often willing to teach the general functions of apps on mobile phones, and community volunteers set up classes for the elderly to learn how to use smartphones (Chen et al. 6). Ideally, such initiatives could pave the way for seniors to go digital from basic daily social media apps like WeChat.

However, elderly people still often struggle in the complex digital world for both physical and psychological reasons. Physiologically speaking, as people get older, their learning ability declines due to weakened neuron control and a decrease in brain activities (Jiao 1). This can lead to psychological escapism, diminishing the willingness of seniors to directly operate digital services (Chen et al. 6). Many are afraid of trying new things, of potential privacy leakages, and of being an outsider in the Internet community (Jiao 1). For these reasons and many others, the elderly continue to find it challenging to learn how to use apps even with age-appropriate versions tailored to their situations and assistance from younger generations.

For such reasons, we should not push seniors to go entirely digital, as the pandemic made painfully clear. For example, during the lockdown, while it was frustrating for me and many of my friends when platforms became overloaded and unresponsive, such experiences were even more frustrating for older people. Factors like an unresponsive platform could exacerbate seniors’ frustrations with reliance on app-based services, especially when they had other types of trouble with health codes and group-buying (Chen et al. 3). Even if they were fully aware of how to use smartphones, food security and delivery were often still a problem (Hall et al. 284).

Of course, the sources that I have access to do not necessarily reflect the full extent of the senior citizens’ difficulties when it comes to digital access during the pandemic. During the pandemic, it was hard enough to gather direct support evidence due to political sensitivity, censorship in China, and the difficulties of authenticity validation of English-language sources, and in its wake, some previously available information has been removed. I chose news articles about offline services and support for seniors from SHINE, an English-language newspaper website under the Shanghai committee of the Chinese Communist Party, instead. The scenes mentioned did not apply to the whole picture of the situation during the pandemic in Shanghai, but they still contributed to easing a certain number of seniors to access digital services to some extent. Despite often poor-intensity information and censorship, we still can form a clear picture based on available sources of how vulnerable seniors were because of the overreliance on the virtual and a lack of non-digital alternatives and offline assistance. The overreliance on digitalization is the focus. The pandemic simply shows how such overreliance can fail in many cases, and we can learn many valuable lessons from the experience of seniors during the Shanghai lockdown.

Given that the experience shows the challenges faced by senior citizens when using online services during the lockdown, the solution to bridging the digital divide should not be limited to digital assistance alone. Offline alternatives and non-digital assistance and options should be implemented as a choice. Fortunately, Shanghai community workers also recognized the inefficiency of online services and began to find offline solutions during the lockdown. First, seniors should get access to a similar experience of natively digital services with offline passes. The Shanghai version of the health code was called suishenma (随申码, Shanghai Health QR Code). To enter public spaces and do PCR tests, people had to show the code to get access (Chen et al. 1). When it was first launched, teenagers and senior citizens who didn’t have smartphones could also use ID cards and hand write personal information to register their entrances and record their traces (Chen et al. 4). As the restriction got tighter during the lockdown, community service centers in Shanghai offered printed “offline suishenma” for senior citizens to apply by their digital code or their ID card. They could also use the machines there to replace or report the loss of paper versions (Yang et al.). The service made the lives of senior citizens easier, avoiding embarrassing and exhausting operation problems such as Internet disconnection. In the end, senior citizens could go out without smartphones to visit public places as long as they took the offline code with them.

The adaptation of Shanghai health workers to the non-digital needs of the elderly indicates that offline options remain necessary to help the elderly, especially offline alternatives for natively digital applications like health codes. “Natively digital applications” refers to digital services that have no offline prototype. The health code is special because it originated from the online context. The logic of other commonly used digital services like car-hailing is actually translating people’s daily lives without Internet access to an online platform. But there was no non-digital version of the health code before it was launched. Therefore, offline alternatives should be created for natively digital applications to bridge the gap. Then, seniors don’t have to use smartphones to directly use the native digital applications but use offline alternatives instead to have a similar experience.

In addition, we should preserve offline assistance for seniors to use digital services. One of the examples during the pandemic is the “informal agents” including younger relatives or community workers. Often such agents were simply neighbors, family members, local business people, and sometimes simply a stranger in a position to help. Besides the offline alternatives mentioned above, children could attach seniors’ information and apply for a “family health code” on their phones if their parents don’t have smartphones (Chen et al. 4). During the lockdown in 2022, community workers used their own smartphones to register the information of the seniors to generate the health code if their children didn’t live with them (Yang). Therefore, rather than letting younger generations tutor them on how to use the smartphone, elderly people could appoint others as “informal agents” to access and use a digital service.

To meet the seniors halfway in bridging the digital gap, they could have some third party to assist them with the operations. For the health code, such “informal agents” served as the third party to let the seniors get their PCR tests. As a result, the elderly were still engaged in the utilization of digital services with the support of others. At the same time, they did not go digital themselves.

Furthermore, we should conserve the non-digital options for the older generation to have a stable sense of life. During the lockdown, it would be much harder for the seniors to get the necessities like fresh food via apps and mini-programs and to join community group-buying so they severely needed volunteers to assist them (Hall et al. 284). In some communities, neighborhood community staff reached out to the nearby shops to bring food to the complex gate where the volunteers in COVID-19 protective suits assisted the shopping to relieve the pressure (Yang). Senior citizens who relied on community restaurants and delivery services could collect the food themselves at the gate (Yang). The group-buying at the gate and food delivery put some elderly people at ease for a few days. They did not need to trouble to figure out how to use group-buying apps to receive food. The restoration of patterns before digitalization went closer to the normal life of seniors, which liberated them from the transformation to online shopping.

The world was completely offline for centuries, and we should save some non-digital options when we transform everything digitally. Seniors had the chance to recreate the daily service partially. The group-buying system came to the real world as a market and the food delivery service stayed on track. Traditionally, we would advocate the digital transformation of the real economy. In these cases, however, we should do the reversed order, bringing back the real in-person interactions to bridge the digital divide.

Therefore, digital services should be just one of several means of doing business. Offline alternatives reduce seniors’ reliance on digital services with physical substitutes while non-digital options and assistance such as “informal agents” still let the seniors have an indirect attachment to digital services. What matters is not the form of the entrance to the service, but the products supplied. Seniors are here for what they can get from the digital service, not for the digital world itself.

Seniors should not be confined to going digital as the only method to narrow the digital divide between them and other age groups, and offline and non-digital alternatives should be offered. Admittedly, the deployment to encourage senior citizens to use smartphones is the easiest way to welcome them into the digital era. However, the world cannot be completely online for the accessibility and the capacity of digital services. From the senior citizen’s perspective, they should always have the opportunity to quit the Internet. From the supplements introduced above, we should question the feasibility of the entire digital transformation. In the trends of moving to a digital world, we should translate the natively digital service to some offline alternatives. The priority of experience would be then promoted, turning the blind craving for online platforms upside down. What’s more, we should keep in mind the importance of leaving some non-digital options behind when we boost products and services to embrace e-commerce. After all, complete reliance on digitalization will only cause side effects, neglecting the essential care for seniors. Seniors should also keep an open mind and ask for help if possible when they encounter difficulties employing digital services. The goal is to get the service and make life easier for everyone.

Total reliance on digital technology is not as feasible as imagined, and additional non-digital support should be provided for seniors during digitalization. The pandemic, policies, and restrictions in Shanghai composed a hypothesis of extreme digitalization. We should learn from our elders.

  1. Group-buying during the lockdown went beyond traditional delivery services such as Meituan, one of China’s leading digital food delivery services. Community group-buying took off quickly through social media, mainly on WeChat, a platform that combines chat with many everyday functions, where “residents at the same address band[ed] together to bulk buy groceries or meals from suppliers or restaurants, placing single orders that could add up to thousands of dollars” and “once enough buyers sign[ed] up and [made] a payment, vendors [would] dispatch the order to the complex usually days later, and building security or volunteers [would] then drop off each order door-to-door” (Horwitz). ↩︎

Works Cited

Chen, Anqi, et al. “Interview-Based Study about the Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on Smartphone Use among the Seniors in China’s First Tier Cities.” SHS Web of Conferences, vol. 148, 2022, pp. 1–6. ProQuest, https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202214803001. Accessed 7 May 2023.

Hall, Brian J, et al. “Prevalence of Depression, Anxiety, and Suicidal Ideation during the Shanghai 2022 Lockdown: A Cross-Sectional Study.” Journal of Affective Disorders, vol. 330, 2023, pp. 283–90. 

Han, Jing. “‘Silver-haired surfers’ add momentum to China’s biggest shopping spree.” SHINE, 10 Nov. 2021, www.shine.cn/biz/tech/2111107993/. Accessed 27 April 2023.

Horwitz, Josh. “Shanghai jumps into group buying to stay fed during COVID lockdown.” Reuters, 8 Apr. 2022. www.reuters.com/world/china/shanghai-jumps-into-group-buying-stay-fed-during-covid-lockdown-2022-04-08/. Accessed 27 February 2024. 

Jiao, Ruotong. “Is There a Barrier between Seniors and Smartphone Use in The Internet Age? A Study of Digital Disconnection among Older Adults.” SHS Web of Conferences, vol. 155, 2023, pp. 1–4. ProQuest, https://doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202315503010. Accessed 7 May 2023.

Wan, Lixin. “Shall we meet the seniors half way in bridging the digital divide?” SHINE, 17 Oct. 2022, www.shine.cn/opinion/2210171579/. Accessed 27 April 2023.

Yang, Jian, et al. “Relief for seniors: Shanghai’s health QR code now available on paper.” SHINE, 12 Aug. 2022, www.shine.cn/news/metro/2108123491/. Accessed 14 April 2023.

Yang, Meiping. “Community volunteers pitch in to help elderly residents cope with lockdown.” SHINE, 17 Mar. 2022. www.shine.cn/news/metro/2203173211/. Accessed 27 April 2023.

Faculty Introduction

Read “To Go Digital or Not to Go Digital: Learning from Senior Citizens’ Shanghai Lockdown Experience”.

Li Jiasheng’s critique of the rapid migration of services necessary for everyday life to smartphone apps and miniprograms is not only thoughtful and measured in its analysis, but also passionate and compassionate in its motivation. The essay begins with a moment of “fury” at an elderly woman who cuts in line, fury that immediately resolves into empathy as Jiasheng, reflecting on an experience that all city dwellers know well, recognizes not only his grandfather’s plight in the face of the digitization of everyday life but that of countless elderly citizens. The woman can’t pay by smartphone app and must instead disrupt the efficient flow of data by counting out hard cash. And what if it were an emergency? What if she couldn’t cut in line in front of a college student but had to use multiple apps to get food, water, medicine? Jiasheng’s framing of his rigorous investigation with personal experience arises from his experience of the Spring 2022 zero-Covid Shanghai emergency lockdown when many seniors struggled with health codes, group buy apps for food, and confusing, overflowing chats.

In our “Walking as Inquiry” version of WAI, students explored the work of urban geographers, ethnographers, urbanists, great essayists like Eileen Chang, and above all the “slow journalism” of visiting writer Paul Salopek and his Out of Eden Walk. They were challenged to use Shanghai as a site of inquiry, and in walking and sharpening their attention by slowing down, observing, describing and reflecting on specific moments, they developed final research projects that arose from their direct engagement with the city.

Jiasheng’s essay is exemplary. It begins with a specific everyday problem that matters to the writer then moves into strong analysis that draws on quality scholarly sources to make the reader both care and think hard about our overreliance on emerging digital technologies, especially during times of crisis and with regard to those most vulnerable among us.

—David Perry, Clinical Professor in the Writing Program

Letter from the Editors | Vol. 8

The 2023-2024 academic year during which this volume was compiled represents NYU Shanghai’s first full academic year without pandemic restrictions since 2018-2019. As our university turns towards the post-pandemic era, we are delighted to publish Hundred River Review Volume 8 as our first print edition since 2021. Our 8th edition truly showcases the diversity of outstanding work which students in NYU Shanghai’s core writing programs are able to produce. Essays which we have selected this year reflect on the recent past, take advantage of loosening restrictions to explore our wider home of Shanghai, and consider in detail the interaction between East and West which NYU Shanghai is proud to foster.

Volume 8 opens with Li Jiasheng’s piece on seniors and the Shanghai lockdown. Reflecting on lessons learned, Li challenges us to consider how the pandemic brought to light the “digital divide” between senior citizens and China’s ever more technology-oriented younger population and government apparatus. As China’s world of WeChat mini-apps and facial recognition purchasing is likely to continue expanding for the foreseeable future, Li offers a note of caution, reminding us that we “should learn from our elders” and avoid leaving anyone behind during digitalization. Taking the opportunity to explore the city of Shanghai beyond our new Qiantan campus, Volume 8’s second essay by Enkhijin Nerguibaatar scrutinizes the city’s linguistic landscape. Focusing upon signage in the Jingting Plaza and Tianle Place of Korean Street (hanguojie 韩国街), Enkhijin’s essay on Korean language use within this Korean cultural hotspot offers readers a window into one of the many diverse communities which call Shanghai home. Her work highlights how a diaspora makes ‘home’ in a new built environment, embedding a distinctive sense of place into the fabric of their everyday lives.

Moving beyond Shanghai’s recent events and lived landscape, the second half of Volume 8 addresses the fields of film, literature, poetry, and philosophy. Our third essay is Julie Wu’s “Weapons of the Weak.” Wu artfully analyzes how notional ‘submission’ to Confucian patriarchal norms displayed in Ban Zhao’s Eastern Han-era writings on etiquette and in the actions of the character Songlian in Zhang Yimou’s Raise the Red Lantern can be represented as an attempt to seize female agency in a hostile world. While in Ban Zhao’s case this attempt proved highly successful, safeguarding her political position as a key adviser to empress Deng Sui, Songlian’s efforts resulted in tragedy. From subverting social norms within Chinese society, Volume 8 then moves to a comparative study of norms between China and the West. Carefully analyzing the intersection between the Socratic attack on poetry with the ancient Chinese poetic tradition, Lanyue (Alice) Zhang’s essay offers an in-depth analysis of how shi (詩) evolved a distinct educational and political purpose that deflects the attack on poetry leveled by Socrates. Zhang’s work is an example of the intellectual cross-pollination between China and the West which our core writing courses and NYU Shanghai more broadly are dedicated to fostering, and represents a worthy addition to our volume.

We are, as always, delighted to have received so many submissions to this volume, and are extremely proud of the masterful student work which we selected for our 2023-2024 edition. As we indicate in our journal’s mission statement, “above all, the Hundred River Review publishes works that can serve as pedagogical models and provides a space for students to share their writing, read their peers’ works, and engage in the exchange of ideas valued by NYU Shanghai.” We strongly believe that this year’s edition has fulfilled this promise.

Sincerely,

Peter Weise, Sarah Hakimzadeh, Jingsi Shen and Ben Hales

The Hundred River Review Editorial Board

Masthead

Volume 8 | 2023-2024

The Editorial Board
Peter Weise
Sarah Hakimzadeh
Shen Jingsi
Marcos Martinez

Managing Editor
Ben Hales

Contributing Faculty
David Perry
Mark Brantner
Amy Goldman
Chen Lin

Developmental Editors
Ben Hales
Scout Meredith Best
Ruby Foxall

Production and Design
Shi Xinran

Advisory Committee
Chen Lin
Yang Jun